DeSantis Property Tax and Schools

Published in TC Palm, 5/21/25 - Letters to the Edidtor

Regarding the article “DeSantis Fires  at GOP Leaders Over Tax Plan”:

Given:

Donald Trump is opposed to educations, as shown by his cuts and reorfanization of the Department of Education.

DeSantis is a Trump worshipper, as shown by his priorities.

Therefore, we should expect DeSantis to be against improvement in the education system in Florida.

The way DeSantis plans to carry out his mission to de3stroy the public school system in Florida is by lowering the property tax.  Most school systems in Florida rely on their local property taxes to fund the public schools.

If property taxes are cut enough by Tallahassee, local public schools, already bereft of adequate funds, will be in even worse shape than ever before.  This will increase the gap between the elites in our society and the underserved in our society.

Has anyone else noticed DeSantis has never mentioned the effect of his propty tax cuts to local schools?

David Kimball, Vero Beach

 

GOING ALONE

 

GOING ALONE

Now that I have a car, I’m going to do something tonight that I haven’t done for several years – go to the theater alone.

When I was in my early 30’s, while living in Chicago, between my two marriages, I would go on a date. Chicago is known for having several small theaters, many of which were launchings for Broadway shows like “Yentl” and “Big River”. It was a great place/scene for theaters. The only problem was, they were “unknowns” and so you never knew what to expect.

I remember going on a date one time to see “Yentl”, the stage version. For those of you who have seen the movie, the stage version was quite different than the movie version with Barbara Streisand. The stage version was about a Jewish woman/girl who was in love with learning; the movie version was about a Jewish woman/girl who was in love. (Typical Hollywood adaptation.) In the production, there was a scene where the boys, and Yentl, are walking in the woods and come across a large stream. The boys take off all their clothes and jump in the river to cavort. Yentl, a girl dressed as a boy so she can receive an education, is faced with a conundrum: She can’t take off her clothes and reveal that she is not a boy, yet all the boys are calling for her to join them in the river. As the boys were shedding their clothes to go in the river in the stage version, the scene included a full frontal nudity scene. This was back in the early ‘80’s and considered very “avant garde”.

As I was watching this scene with the full frontal nudity, I didn’t mind it at all. But I was “concerned” how my date would handle it. I became so focused on my date’s reaction, which couldn’t be told to me during the play, that it was difficult to relax and enjoy the performance.

Another time, the same thing happened with another date and play, but this time the subject matter was homosexuality in the Army. Again, I watched the play hoping that my date didn’t mind and I was hoping she didn’t thing I was trying to “tell her something about me”.

I learned that I could/would enjoy these performances more if I went by myself rather than with a date that I didn’t know.

As I would attend theaters, or concerts, or dance performances, I realized that men didn’t go to these cultural events by themselves. Often, there would be women by themselves, but more often there would be two women attending together. But there were never two guys attending without the assumption that they were gay. (Again, this was in the early 80’s.) It was interesting to look around the audience while making these observations.

One exception to this was when I attended the MET HD performances, live productions from the MET that were broadcast to show on movie screens in theaters all over the United States, there would be several men by themselves. After making this observation, I discovered that many of these men were Italians who had grown up appreciating opera.

I have lived for two years at Discovery Village, an Independent Living Facility, without a car. As a result, I didn’t go anywhere unless someone drove me. I didn't attend cultural events except a few concerts with the Space Coast Symphony where I was hosting the French Horn player who lived in Miami and needed a place to stay locally. I just received a car this week so I am now free to go places by myself, and tonight I’m going to the Vero Beach Theatre Guild to see “The 28th Street Boarding House” by myself. I’ve been to the Vero Beach Theatre Guild enough times to know what to expect: Almost all older people, few people under 60 years old, and mostly women.

I’m sure it will feel like Old Home Week to me. (Smile)

David Kimball.

Open Letter to the US Supreme Court

 Open Letter to the US Supreme Court

Pru Pru Facebook Post

April 14 at 11:50 PM  ·

An Open Letter to the United States Supreme Court

 

Nineteen retired four-star generals and admirals tried to warn you.[1]

They submitted a letter—a plea from those who’ve spent their lives upholding the Constitution.

They urged you not to grant absolute immunity to this man.

They said it would undermine the U.S. military and shatter the rule of law.

And here we are.

Let’s talk about what you did.

ABSOLUTE IMMUNITY has NEVER existed for any American president in history—until now.

Let that sink in.

Not for Nixon.

Not for Reagan.

Not for Clinton.

Not during war.

Not during scandal.

Not even at the height of executive power grabs.

This isn’t a long-standing legal principle.

This is brand new.

And you created it—for one man.

But here’s the thing about precedent: it isn’t sacred.

It can be reversed.

And you’ve done it before—boldly and without hesitation.

Plessy v. Ferguson gave us “separate but equal.”

Brown v. Board ended it.

Bowers v. Hardwick criminalized LGBTQ relationships.

Lawrence v. Texas struck it down.

Roe v. Wade stood for nearly 50 years.

You undid it in Dobbs v. Jackson.

Precedent stands—until a case forces it to fall.

So let me ask you:

What kind of case would be enough to force a reversal?

A case involving abuse of power?

A case where legal limits weren’t just stretched—they were obliterated?

A case where something heinous occurred?

Well—you have one.

A man, Kilmar Abrego García, was deported in direct violation of a federal court order to turn the plane around.

He was sent to a country he was legally protected from.

To a prison notorious for torture and human rights violations.

The administration admitted he was sent in error.

He was ordered returned by a federal judge.

They refused.

Then you ordered them to “facilitate” his return.

They still refused.

A federal judge demanded proof of life.

A location.

A plan.

The administration shrugged and said: There’s nothing we can do.

Let’s be honest—if this happened in another country, we’d call it what it is:

Kidnapping. Trafficking. Slavery. State violence.

Right now, the case is civil.

But it doesn’t have to stay that way.

If criminal charges are ever brought—if even one federal prosecutor reclaims their spine—this case could return to your courtroom. And when it does, you’ll have a choice to make:

Continue to let this rogue leader rule as a king above the law.

Or restore law, order, and justice to her rightful place—as a coequal power to the executive branch.

To do nothing—to remain silent in the face of this—would be a betrayal.

Of your oath.

Of your power.

Of the people you serve.

We the people call on you now: honor your oath.

You are the highest law in the land.

DAMMIT act like it.

Restore law, order, and justice.

Or kneel in the dust of what was once America.

 

Let’s stop pretending you’ve done your job.

You ruled.

You said “facilitate his return.”

And when the administration ignored you — you did nothing.

No contempt charges.

No enforcement.

No consequences.

You think you get to check a box and call it justice?

You watched a man vanish into a blacksite prison with no proof of life — and you let it happen with your weak words.

“Facilitate.”

Ridiculous.

Bring his *ss home now.

That’s what should have been said.

You are not bystanders to this fall.

You are not guardians of democracy.

You are the black-robed collaborators in the slow-motion coup unraveling the Constitution.

Let’s be honest:

You could end this right now by rejecting absolute immunity completely.

By stating — unequivocally — that no one is above the law.

By using the full weight of your office to enforce your rulings.

But you haven’t.

Because deep down, some of you are afraid.

Afraid of him.

Afraid of his base.

Afraid of your own legacies unraveling.

Afraid of what you’ll unleash if you actually hold this man accountable.

You are afraid of the monster you helped create.

But fear is not a judicial philosophy.

And silence is not neutrality — it’s consent.

You’re letting a man rule like a king.

You’re watching people disappear.

You’re letting one branch spit in the face of another.

He is threatening to disappear AMERICANS.

A M E R I C A N S!

You are not a coequal branch of government anymore.

If you continue to do nothing—

You become nothing more than a lapdog.

So unless you want history to remember you as the Court that watched America and Americans die —

Do your job.

---

[1] https://lawandcrime.com/high-profile/profoundly-ahistorical-4-star-generals-side-with-jack-smith-tell-supreme-court-trumps-immunity-claims-are-assault-on-democracy/

Finally A Strategy Against Trump

 Finally a Strategy

The author of this letter is questionable, but the content is great regardless of the author.

Dear Democratic Party,

I need more from you.

You keep sending emails begging for $15, while we’re watching fascism consolidate power in real time.  This administration is not simply “a different ideology.”
It is a coordi nated, authoritarian machine — with the Supreme Court, the House, the Senate, and the executive pen all under its control.

And you?

You’re still asking for decorum and donations. WTF.  That won’t save us.  I don’t want to hear another polite floor speech.  I want strategy.  I want fire.  I want action so bold it shifts the damn news cycle — not fits inside one.

Every time I see something from the DNC, it’s asking me for funds.  Surprise.  Those of us who donate don’t want to keep sending money just to watch you stand frozen as the Constitution goes up in flames — shaking your heads and saying,  “Well, there’s not much we can do. He has the majority.”

I call bullshit.

If you don’t know how to think outside the box…
If you don’t know how to strategize…
If you don’t know how to fight fire with fire…
what the hell are we giving you money for?

Some of us have two or three advanced degrees.
Some of us have military training.
Some of us know what coordinated resistance looks like — and this ain’t it.

Yes, the tours around the country? Nice.
The speeches? Nice.
The clever congressional clapbacks? Nice.
That was great for giving hope.
Now we need action.

You have to stop acting like this is a normal presidency that will just time out in four years.
We’re not even at Day 90, and look at the chaos.  Look at the disappearances.  Look at the erosion of the judiciary, the press, and our rights.

If you do not stop this, we will not make it 1,460 days.

So here’s what I need from you — right now:
⸻

1.      Form an independent, civilian-powered investigative coalition.  I’m talking experts. Veterans. Whistleblowers. Journalists. Watchdog orgs.  Deputize the resistance. Build a real-time archive of corruption, overreach, and executive abuse.  Make it public. Make it unshakable.  Let the people drag the rot into the light.  If you can’t hold formal hearings, hold public ones.
If Congress won’t act, let the country act.
This isn’t about optics — it’s about receipts.
Because at some point, these people will be held accountable.
And when that day comes, we’ll need every name, every signature, every illegal order, every act of silence—documented.
You’re not just preserving truth — you’re preparing evidence for prosecution.
The more they vanish people and weaponize data, the more we need truth in the sunlight.
⸻
2. Join the International Criminal Court.
Yes, I said it. Call their bluff.
You cannot control what the other side does.
But you can control your own integrity.
So prove it. Prove that your party is still grounded in law, human rights, and ethical leadership.
Join.
If you’ve got nothing to hide — join.
Show the world who’s hiding bodies, bribes, and buried bank accounts.
Force the GOP to explain why they’d rather protect a war criminal than sign a treaty.
And while you’re at it, publicly invite ICC observers into U.S. borders.
Make this administration explain — on camera — why they’re terrified of international oversight.
⸻
3. Fund state-level resistance infrastructure.
Don’t just send postcards. Send resources.
Channel DNC funds into rapid-response teams, legal defense coalitions, sanctuary networks, and digital security training.
If the federal government is hijacked, build power underneath it.
If the laws become tools of oppression, help people resist them legally, locally, and boldly.
This is not campaign season — this is an authoritarian purge.
Stop campaigning.
Act like this is the end of democracy, because it is.
We WILL REMEMBER the warriors come primaries.
Fighting this regime should be your marketing strategy.
And let’s be clear:
The reason the other side always seems three steps ahead is because they ARE.
They prepared for this.
They infiltrated school boards, courts, local legislatures, and police unions.
They built a machine while you wrote press releases.
We’re reacting — they’ve been executing a plan for years.
It’s time to shift from panic to blueprint.
You should already be working with strategists and military minds on PROJECT 2029 —
a coordinated, long-term plan to rebuild this country when the smoke clears.
You should be publicly laying out:
• The laws and amendments you’ll pass to ensure this never happens again
• The systems you’ll tear down and the safeguards you’ll enshrine
• The plan to hold perpetrators of human atrocities accountable
• The urgent commitment to immediately bring home those sold into slavery in El Salvador
You say you’re the party of the people?
Then show the people the plan.
⸻
4. Use your platform to educate the public on rights and resistance tactics.
If they’re going to strip us of rights and lie about it — arm the people with truth.
Text campaigns. Mass trainings. Downloadable “Know Your Rights” kits. Multilingual legal guides. Encrypted phone trees.
Give people tools, not soundbites.
We don’t need more slogans.
We need survival manuals.
⸻
5. Leverage international media and watchdogs.
Stop hoping U.S. cable news will wake up.
They’re too busy playing both sides of fascism.
Feed the real stories to BBC, Al Jazeera, The Guardian, Reuters, Der Spiegel — hell, leak them to anonymous dropboxes if you have to.
Make what’s happening in America a global scandal.
And stop relying on platforms that are actively suppressing truth.
Start leveraging Substack. Use Bluesky.
That’s where the resistance is migrating. That’s where censorship hasn’t caught up.
If the mainstream won’t carry the truth — outflank them.
Get creative. Go underground. Go global.
If our democracy is being dismantled in broad daylight, make sure the whole world sees it — and make sure we’re still able to say it.
⸻
6. Create a digital safe haven for whistleblowers and defectors.
Not everyone inside this regime is loyal.
Some are scared. Some want out.
Build the channels.
Encrypted. Anonymous. Protected.
Make it easy for the cracks in the system to become gaping holes.
And while you’re at it?
Stop ostracizing MAGA defectors.
Everyone makes mistakes — even glaring, critical ones.
We are not the bullies.
We are not the ones filled with hate.
And it is not your job to shame people who finally saw the fire and chose to step out of it.
They will have to deal with that internal struggle — the guilt of putting a very dangerous and callous regime in power.
But they’re already outnumbered. Don’t push them back into the crowd.
We don’t need purity.
We need numbers.
We need people willing to burn their red hats and testify against the machine they helped build.
⸻
7. Study the collapse—and the comeback.
You should be learning from South Korea and how they managed their brief rule under dictatorship.
They didn’t waste time chasing the one man with absolute immunity.
They went after the structure.
The aides. The enforcers. The loyalists. The architects.
They knocked out the foundation one pillar at a time —
until the “strongman” had no one left to stand on.
And his power crumbled beneath him.
You should be independently investigating every author of Project 2025,
every aide who defies court orders,
every communications director repeating lies,
every policy writer enabling cruelty,
every water boy who keeps this engine running.
You can’t stop a regime by asking the king to sit down.
You dismantle the throne he’s standing on — one coward at a time.
⸻

Stop being scared to fight dirty when the other side is fighting to erase the damn Constitution.
They are threatening to disappear AMERICANS.
A M E R I C A N S.
And your biggest move can’t be another strongly worded email.
We don’t want your urgently fundraising subject lines.
We want backbone.
We want action.
We want to know you’ll stand up before we’re all ordered to sit down — permanently.
We are watching.
And I don’t just mean your base.
I mean millions of us who see exactly what’s happening.
I’ve only got 6,000 followers — but the groups I’m in? The networks I touch? Over a quarter million.
Often when I speak, it echoes.
But when we ALL
speak, it ROARS with pressure that will cause change.
We need to be deafening.
You still have a chance to do something historic.
To be remembered for courage, not caution.
To go down as the party that didn’t just watch the fall — but fought the hell back with everything they had.
But the clock is ticking.
And the deportation buses are idling.

 

The above was on a FaceBook page and was attributed to Liz Chaney.  However, she was not the original source of this.  It was a FaceBook person “Pru Pru”. 

Moral Responsibilities

 Moral Responsibilities

They say we should not talk about politics or religion.  That shows us that rather, we NEED TO LEARN HOW to talk about politics and religions.  One of the principles about talking about politics is to recognize the principle that there is a difference between talking about LEGAL responsibilities and MORAL responsibilities. 

 

It is evident that talking about legal responsibilities with Trump is not going to go anywhere.  Why aren't we talking about the moral responsibilities?  It is obvious in this case what our moral responsibilities are (in terms of what our government should do).

 

We need a prophet for our times to cry out of the wilderness what our secular rights dand responsibilities are.  By secular, I mean those rights and responsibilities that are common to multiple religions, and also included by the non-religious.  

 

This secular list should be headed by the concept of Compassion. 

 

So our discussions on Armando Abrego Garcia (the man sent to El Salvador prison “by accident”) should be "What should our compassionate actions be?"  Then we should judge Trump's actions not by a lawyer's document that he can discard, but judged according to his compassionate (or lack thereof) actions. 

What Kind of Christian Are You?

 What kind of Christian are you?

 

Are you an Old Testament Christian living under the law?  Are you convinced that you cannot do anything that isn’t decreed by “the Bible” through the interpretation of some Priest or Minister?  Are your actions based on the teachings of others and not your own sense of Compassion and Empathy? 

 

Are you a Jesus Christian living a life of Compassion and Empathy towards others?  Are your actions based on your Principles, Values, and Virtues (PVVs) focused on Love (Sympathy, Empathy, and Compassion)? 

 

Or are you a Saint Paul Christian where you are convinced that What You Believe is the most important aspect of your Christian life?  Even more important than living a life of Compassion and Empathy?

 

 

Secular Values 01

 

Secular Values 01

Stand For Something

A leadership vacuum

By 

Elliot Kirschner Apr 12

Too many of our elected officials are too steeped in focus groups and political calculus—they measure their actions based on fear of reaction, and are trapped by the battlelines of the past, unable to reimagine the decisions we’ll need to shape a better future.

I sense a public eager for clarity and conviction—for leaders who are bold but responsive, unafraid to take risks, and uncompromising in their pursuit of what they believe is right.

I suspect that many of the stances that now feel like prudent caution will be seen by future voters as acts of political cowardice—maybe even as soon as the next election cycle. This will extend to those in leadership at places like universities, law firms, and industry.

I’m reminded of lessons from the past: how voting to go along with the war in Iraq because it seemed overwhelmingly popular ultimately helped cost Hillary Clinton the Democratic nomination in 2008. Or how a failure to take the financial industry to task for the Great Recession helped fuel a wave of disillusionment that hollowed out trust in government and left space for dangerous populisms to rise.

I worry that in trying to piece together a majority, too many Democratic officials see only a patchwork of voting blocs, each needing a different message. But the whole point of a big tent is that it isn’t a collection of little tents. It’s an audacious structure—broad and open enough to shelter difference, held up by the tentpoles of shared purpose, strong enough to withstand the winds of division that hope to tear it down.

We should not fear policy differences. Debate and compromise have been essential for the stability that has allowed America to thrive. But this approach to governance only works if it builds on a foundation of core democratic values. 

We don’t have to agree on everything to agree that:

A functioning democracy depends on truth—even when it’s inconvenient,
Corruption erodes both our moral credibility and our economic resilience,
And strength isn’t measured in bluster but responsible restraint.

Public health decisions should be grounded in evidence, not ideology,
Peaceful protest isn’t a threat to law and order,
And the separation of powers protects judgment from impulse.

No one should be seized off the streets without explanation or recourse,
Scientific progress should be a public priority—not a political target,
And scapegoating “others” doesn’t solve our problems—it multiplies them.

Voting should be easy, accessible, and protected from manipulation,
Workers deserve a fair share of the prosperity they help create,
And children should feel safe in their schools and communities.

Climate change demands action rooted in science and justice,
We have a responsibility to the wider world,
And journalism, free from intimidation, is essential to accountability.

When we stand for these ideals—when we stand for something—we find the strength to stand for and with each other. There’s power in knowing we’re part of something bigger than ourselves. Purpose-driven action draws others in. It’s how mass movements have changed the course of history—more often than not, for the better.

This is both our challenge and our opportunity. But the past teaches us that we cannot wait to seize the moment. We must act with uncompromising urgency. And we need to find and empower the leaders who will rise to join us.